A tech journalist and cultural critic with over a decade of experience covering digital transformation and societal impacts.
On the exact day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally ostentatious national security strategy. This fairly short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the document largely formalizes the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a serious caution for the world, and for Europe specifically.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric seems lifted directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." Even more worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, suppression of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to champion genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and past."
These points carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as foundational for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the growing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays unclear on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
A tech journalist and cultural critic with over a decade of experience covering digital transformation and societal impacts.